India Without Gandhi |
In Spite of official
apathy and unofficial antipathy, Gandhi refuses to die,
writes Mushtaq Naqvi
There had never been any dearth of
denigrators and detractors of Gandhi. In his won life time the
closest to him were his greatest vilifiers. The fault lies neither
with Gandhi nor his adversaries. The Gandhi Phenomenon was really
never fully understood notwithstanding the fact that he
painstakingly explained himself all his life. There is no other case
known to us in which every fact is known and their sum amounts to an
unknown. And to this day he remains an enigma – an enigma we cannot
live without.
We acknowledge his greatness
and then we shower abuses on him and call him names, but in both
these extreme attitudes, we expose our helpless in not forgetting
him. Somehow in some mysterious way he always was and still remains
our only un-changing point of reference.
Wherever we are plunged in
darkness, whenever we seem to be overwhelmed by the evil forces by
one kind or the other, when ever the country’s future seems to be in
jeopardy, the figure of his frail little man appears before our
eyes. We seem to run to him just as a frightened child runs to his
mother to seek the shelter of her “Pallu” And once the storm is
past, we revert to our old pettiness of mind and body.
Inspite of the official apathy
and unofficial antipathy, inspite of the sterile sympathy of the
oppressed, inspite of the hopeless empathy among a few kindred
souls, Gandhi refuses to die. He still lives among us in the shape
of an uneasy conscience.
He will perhaps remain alive
as part of ourselves no matter how much we try to forget him. He
was one of us – manifestly the best we are capable of, for he
represented the unchanging small core of the being of all Indians
which silently takes the beating of life and time with remarkable
tenacity but comes out unscathed at the end.
He wished all his writings to
be buried with him; he wanted to survive only in his deeds. He
preached, but he preached by example – his own. By living a life of
utter simplicity – a life led by most of his fellow Indians, he
exalted them to heights they had never experienced before. The
Indian masses saw in the half naked. Mahatma a rishi who had stepped
out of the pages of great epic to liberate his country. He spoke in
the idiom they readily understood; the battle between good and evil,
between the higher and baser ideals made more sense to them the
niceties of a constitutional debate could ever have done.
They venerated him for turning
his back on worldly ambitions; his call for sacrifice for the
mother-land did not seemed himself an epitome of tyaga
(renunciation). He represented the unherioc, ordinary,
superstitious, sceptical tradition-bound Indian in a way no
politician has done since his days. This fanciful dreamer of
inconvenient and impossible dreams commanded the loyalty and homage
of millions that no emperor could buy. He made humility and simple
truths more powerful that empires.
Gandhi was not meant for
academicians yet has become a subject of debate – national and
anti-national. He was not a theorist yet he is saddled with a creed
they in their cultivated ignorance call “Gandhism”. He gave no new
idelology for ideology meant dividing for ideology meant dividing
the world into two antagonistic camps. His story is written on the
imperishable tablet of the manifestation of the soul of this ancient
land which is also the spokesman of the conscience of all mankind.
Gandhi never set his eyes on
any short- term goals. His aim was not to secure freedom for his
country. That was a very insignificant and small matter to occupy
his energies and concerns. British rule to him was a just
retribution from providence for the degradation we have accepted
ourselves. The British were here at our sufferance, and could not
rule this country without our cooperation. The moment this
cooperation was withdrawn British rule would fall like the
proverbial house of cards. It was a bluff – a bluff that worked.
Only the Indians could call
this bluff. This did not come about just because the people did not
realize the explosive potential of what he was saying in his call
for non-cooperation and did not act collectively. But for this the
country would have been free by 1921 itself sparing us the trauma
and agony of partition. British imperialism escaped liquidation
because several sections of our population were tied to them by ties
of self-interest. “The councilors wanted their railway fares and
extras, the ministers their salaries, lawyers their fees, parents
education for their boy, millionaires wanted facilities for
multiplying their millions and reset their unmanly peace.”
The middle class was not
willing to sacrifice it creature comforts. His man concern was the
regeneration of India. His concern was to set in motion a perpetual
movement rediscover our true self. This includes political freedom
but goes beyond it. He was playing or higher stakes. He was, in a
way, not a freedom fighter in the usual sense of the term. He had
hitched his wagon to the stars. Few shared this version and this
vision and this dream with him and fewer still were willing to make
sacrifice for this seemingly intangible ideal.
Gandhi never converted more
than a handful into true believers in ahimsa. For the vast majority
of political activities even among his closest and most influential
political collegues non-violence was desirable and often very useful
political strategy in a specific situation rather than a total moral
commitment as it was to him. They did not really understand fell his
magnetic pull and fall under his spell. He himself was never keen in
securing a large following for he believed that one upright man on
the side of God constitutes the most powerful majority.
Gandhi once observed that he
had purchased his third class ticket all the way to the holy city of
Hardware, while most others in his movement his purchased their
tickets up to Delhi. Now Delhi had been reached and only Gandhi was
left in the train.
At the first sight of land the
pilot was dropped. He was even advised to retire to the Himalayas.
Overnight he became a “back number”. His presence became a source of
irritation for the very from ordinary dust by his magic touch. The
loaves of power proved too much too strong a temptation for the
aging leadership, tired, haggard and impatient to grab whatever
comes their way in shortest, possible time postponing Gandhi’s
advise for patience to a more convenient occasion. Mountbatten
gleefully described the state the leaders were in at that time
willing even to commit suicide at his bidding.
He was used by politicians,
followed for his skills and potential and after he head served their
purpose tactfully ignored by them. He sensed in the closing months
of his life that there would be no place for his ideals of
self-denial and service when power was within the politicians grasp,
that there would be no place for his ideals of self-denial and
service when power was within the politicians grasp, that modes of
action once the congress becomes a government. Year in and year out
the congress swore by the name of Gandhi, day in and day out its
vowed to stands and die for the deals set by him. But ironically
these very ideals were jettisoned the moment they acquired the means
to translate them into living reality.
He had already anticipated that a time
may come when his followers may come when his followers may throw
him overboard. And it may be that he would almost be thrown out in
the streets almost be thrown out in the streets and have to beg for
a piece of bread from door to door.
The assassin’s bullet saved him from
this final humiliation. It also saved the Congress from extinction
whose liquidation he was to propose in a resolution at his last
prayer meeting he could never address. His dream of converting the
Indian Congress into the Lok Seva Dal and transform it into a fully
functional body of dedicated workers to build a new India never
materialized nor did his vision of materialized nor did his vision
of a committed body of public servants.
Society often forgives a criminal but
it never forgives a dreamer. Gandhi ultimately paid the price of
overstepping the limitations of his age.
“The man who pulled the trigger was
not Bapu’s murderer. All of us who at any time doubled of words and
entertained a feeling of violence and communalism in our hearts are
responsible for his murder”.
Men and women did not really grieve
for Gandhi. Each man mourned for something in himself left without a
friend, a personal sorrow as if fate had seized an intimate treasure
that one had always assumed would be there. This small man extended
beyond time. There was India and beyond time. There was a mirror in
the Mahatma in which everyone could see the best in himself and when
the mirror broke it seemed that the thing in one-self might be fled
for ever.
“I never saw Gandhi” said, Leon Blum,
the French Socialist leader, “I do not know his language, I never
set foot in his country and yet I fell as if I had lost someone near
and dear.”
A brief –bordered editorial in the
Hindustani Standard said it all: “Gandhi was killed by his won
people for whose redemption he lived. This second crucifixion in the
history of the world has been enacted on a Friday – the same day
Jesus was done to death one thousand nine hundred and fifteen years
ago. Father forgive us.”
Amir dil ka kisi se ilaj ho na saka
Hum apna daagh dikhate phire zamane ko
(No body could understand or cure my
heartache I went round the whole world showing my wound)
It is the lot of all great men to be
misunderstood but in the case of Gandhi this misunderstanding went
to ridiculous lengths. His decisions and pronouncements baffled and
some-times confused. They even appeared strange and funny to people
born with blinkers of one kind or the other on their eyes. How this
greatest Indian since Gautama the Buddha and the greatest man since
Jesus Christ was put to ridicule appears in credible today.
When Gandhi spoke about charkha people
used to laugh. They used to say that a small charkha would not be
able to take on the mills of Manchester People laughingly said that
the charkha would serve to make his funereal pyre.
Then everyone said pinch of salt would
do nothing. Motilal Nehru viewed Satyagraha as nothing short of
“mid-summer madness”, and said that if ever in power he would
promptly arrest Gandhi .Jawaharlal Nehru described the salt
satyagraha as a “curious approach to political warfare”.
About the non-cooperation
movement. Tagore sounded a note of warning against “obscuring our
vision of the wider world with the dust roused by political
passion.” He called it a struggle to alienate our heart and mind
from the West and an attempt at spiritual suicide. In Gandhi’s call
for withdrawal from government service, Tagore discerned a
pugnacious spirit of revenge …. a wasteful diversion of the best
part of our energy. He termed it as negative and destructive in its
nature. Surendranath Banerjee considered it subversive which
engendered hatred towards the RajChandavarkar said that it was
against the traditions of Indian culture.
At a special session of the Indian
National Congress in September 1920, he claimed that India could
achieve Swaraj by late 1921 if they carried out his scheme of
non-cooperation. Laughter erupted at the very idea. Unfortunately he
tried to explain himself the more it became difficult for people to
understand him. Reason being that people to understand him. Reason
being that people were attracted by ONE facet or the other of his
character. They could not realize which cannot be represented by the
mere agglomeration of little facts. And the ended up by calling him
in turn, a fanatic, a visionary, a consummate tactician, a prophet
or a trickster.
It is not surprising that the British
Governor of Bengal described him as a neurotic who suffered from a
particularly mischievous form of religious mania or Llyod telling
Montague that Gandhi is pretty wicked as cunning as a fox and at
heart bitterly anti-British The Surprising thing was that Indians –
mostly so called enlightened Indians, agreed with their British
masters and spoke the same language. Dinshaw Wacha said. “Mr Gandhi
Who seems to have developed an extraordinary nimbus for notoriety
simply tradition on the passions of the unthinking of the theatre
and the marketplace.”
B. N. Basu called Gandhi’s plan a plan
of mad men sarcastically said that saints were good people so long
as they keep within their sphere. He was accused of doing a deadly
mischief, of endangering society which meant bloodshed at home and
invasion from abroad. Jinnah who called him the “wily Mahatma” wrote
to say: “wily Mahatma” wrote to say: “Your extreme programme has for
the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth
and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means complete
disorganization and chaos.”
“Though I believe in soul and God”,
wrote Lallubhai Samaldas, I would not like to go to jail. Gandhiji
does not mind … he is indifferent to wordly things. You and I are
not lucky to have these attributes and must pull on as being of the
world in the world.” This is a classic execute mouthed and nauseam
during his life and even more today to make his ideals appear
otherworldly and therefore impractical and unworkable. Although as
Gandhi said what was possible for him was possible even for a child.
Jawaharlal indeed admitted how
difficult Gandhi was to understand, how his language was almost
incomprehensible to modern Indians and how he and his contemporaries
discussed Gandhi’s quirkiness and half- laughing said that his fads
should not be encouraged once Swaraj was achieved. When Gandhi wrote
to Nehru on October 5, 1945, that he still stood by the system of
government envisaged in Hind Swaraj, Nehru curtly replied: It is 38
years since Hind Swaraj was written. The world has completely
changed since then.”
“But Gandhi was an incorrigible
optimist and had an unshakable faith in the human spirit. He also
had the human sprit. He also had the unfailing feel of the shared
heritage. He said: “Jawaharlal says the does not understand my
language and that he speaks a language foreign to me. This may or
may not be true. But the language is no bar to union of hearts. And
I know that when I am gone, he will speak my language.”
Years later Nehru had to say:
“Gandhiji was like a powerful current of fresh air that made us
stretch ourselves and take a deep breath, like a beam of light that
pierces the darkness and removes the scales from the eyes, like a
whirlwind that upsets many things, by most of all the working of
peoples’ mind.” He had conceded that the only way to attain freedom
was the way shown by freedom was the way shown by Gandhi. At his
death he paid the most eloquent tribute and described him as “the
light that represented something more than the immediate present,
which represented the living eternal truths, reminding us of the
right path, drawing us from error. In his death he has reminded us
of big things of life.”
Nehru did speak the language of Gandhi
and took his voice to the international community. His foreign
policy which refused to foreign policy which refused to divide the
world into refused to divide the world into this or that, ganging up
against one another was really the extension of the ancient
collective wisdom of India which Gandhi worked so hard to
articulate.
Nehru told the world: “I am not afraid
of the future. I have no fear in my mind and I have no fear even
though India, from a military point of view is of no great
consequences … I am not afraid of bigness of the Great Powers and
their armies, their fleets and their atom bombs. That is the lesson
which my master taught me. We stood as an unarmed people against a
great country and a great empire… because we decided not to submit
to evil.”
Gandhi in his lifetime was attacked
from all four sides and attacked furiously -The communists or the leftist forces
called him the stooge or the running dog of British imperialism, a
retrograde and a reactionary who was trying to take the country who
was trying to take the country down the road to hell. To M. N. Roy
Gandhi seemed a petty bourgeois leader who, under the pressure of
class interest had deliberately decided to restrain the stirrings of
the Indian masses.
- Liberals have not found
Gandhi to their liking either. Sir Santaran Nair Had said early in
this century that Gandhi had gone this century that Gandhi had gone
against all the great sons of nineteenth century India.
- Pan Isalamic thinkers like
Iqbal saw in Gandhi a rabid caste Hindu out to deny Muslims a
dignified life with a separate dignified life with a separate
identity. To most Muslim leaders he appeared nothing more or nothing
less than a Hindu.
- Hindu communalists branded
him anti- Hindu cause and a stinging Muslim appeaser. Savarkar felt
it was his duty to remove ruthlessly the web of Gandhism that has
choked the political life of Hinduism.
- Dalit leaders like Ambedkar,
who wanted to turn overnight the caste reality upside down, regarded
Gandhi as a stumbling block in his impatience to emancipate the so
called untouchables.
-Economists openly laughed at
his ideas in his face and regarded the khadi movement as a throwback
to the pre industrial age.
Each one of the groups were
to learn their lesson later after inflicting lasting damage on the
body and psyche of India and had to admit regretfully their failure
to grasp the true meaning and intention of Gandhi. Veteran
communist leader S. D. Dange regretted that they could not understand
the Gandhi phenomenon and it was a mistake on the part of the
communists to let him down.
The Hindu communalists’
greatest grouse was that Gandhi by his very presence and with out
taking notice of their ranting and raving, reduced them to the
ignoble politics. When they lost the argument they killed him.
Both Jinnah and Ambedkar were
untitled in suspecting the Mahatma’s intention The two barristers
throught that the third one was playing court tricks with them
.Jinnah succeeded in tearing the unity of the subcontinent asunder.
Ambedkar led his flock away from a caste-ridden Hindu society to a
egalitarian Buddhist followers of Ambedkar had to agitate for
getting the same concessions as their Hindu counterparts They
realized that unless social realities are transformed, mere change
of religion would give them little succour.
People little realized at that
time that the salt Satyagraha was a declaration of economic
independence and the non-cooperation movement was nothing short of
proclamation of political sovereignty.
Gandhi’s call for
non-cooperation touched a chord in Indian humanity which had long
been neglected. People drove the leaders away and established direct
emotional links with Gandhi never before in the experience of living
men did a leader so successfully and unfailingly appreciated the
genius of his people and feel their pulse as Gandhi had done. Never
before a single person had so much influence over the masses of
India. Gandhi triggered incipient political consciousness in rural
India. Way from the drawing room politics of the western elite.
Kripalani, the veteran
Congress leader, candidly admitted that many of them were correct in
their little correctness and were small in the process, But the
Mahatma was incorrect in many thing s and yet correct in the sum
total and big in the very inconsistencies. In the end he seldom or
never came out at the wrong place. The Mahatma, he said was more
right when he was wrong, than we were when we were right.
Nehru put the whole thing in
the right perspective when he said that Gandhi often acted almost by
instant; by a long and close associated with the masses he appeared
to have developed , as great popular leaders often do, a new sense
which tells him how the mass feels, what it does and what it can do.
He reacted to this his actions accordingly and later for the benefit
of his surprise and resentful colleagues tried to clothe his
decisions with reason.
His critics on the economic
front have fallen silent today. The large scale irretrievable
destruction of nature, the poison which we are eating in the name of
food as a result of discriminate use of chemicals and fertilizers,
the gap between the rich and the poor on the national and
international planes, economics underdeveloped and developing
countries being mortgaged controlled by financial institutions
controlled by vested interest , blind aping of the West and
desperate efforts to achieve Western standards of living which given
all the resources, is impossible to achieve, have turned people to
Gandhi against His concept of Swadeshi is no more considered the
ravings of crackpot but has assumed the dimensions of a practical
philosophy – the only philosophy capable of containing the
burgeoning poverty and alleviating the sufferings of more than
that half the population of the world. The realities of the present
day situation and the consequences of not heeding his advice in the
mad rush to join the rat race have selected the lips of the great
specialists in the economics field who contemptuously love to run
down Gandhi and his economic ideas. It is true that Gandhi was no
economist but he had the economic vision which most of the
economists sadly lack today as they always did. Economics today has
become a serious business to be left to the idiosyncrasies and whims
of the economists.
Source: The
Tribune, October 2, 1994 |