I appeal to every Briton, wherever he may be now, to accept the method of non-violence instead of that of war, for the adjustment of relations between nations and other matters. Your statesmen have declared that this is a war on behalf of democracy. There are many other reasons given in justification. You know them all by heart. I suggest that, at the end of the war, whichever way it ends, there will be no democracy left to represent democracy. This war has descended upon mankind as a curse and a warning. It is a curse inasmuch as it is brutalizing man on a scale hitherto unknown. All distinctions between combatants and non-combatants have been abolished. No one and nothing is to be spared. Lying has been reduced to an art. Britain was to defend small nationalities. One by one they have vanished, at least for the time being. It is also a warning. It is a warning that, if nobody reads the writing on the wall, man will be reduced to the state of the beast, whom he is shaming by his manners. I read the writing when the hostilities broke out. But I had not the courage to say the word. God has given me the courage to say it before it is too late.
I appeal for cessation of hostilities, not because
you are too exhausted to fight, but because war is bad in essence.
You want to kill Nazism. You will never kill it by its indifferent
adoption. Your soldiers are doing the same work of destruction as
the Germans. The only difference is that perhaps yours arc not as
thorough as the Germans. If that be so, yours will soon acquire the
same thoroughness as theirs, if not much greater. On no other
condition can you win the war. In other 'words, you will have to be
more ruthless than the Nazis. No cause, however just, can warrant
the indiscriminate slaughter that is going on minute by minute. I
suggest that a cause that demands the inhumanities that are being
perpetrated today cannot be called just.
I do not want Britain to be defeated, nor do I want
her to be victorious in a trial of brute strength, whether expressed
through the muscle or the brain. Your muscular bravery is an
established fact. Need you demonstrate that your brain is also as
unrivalled in destructive power as your muscle? I hope you do not
wish to enter into such an undignified competition with the Nazis. I
venture to present you with a nobler and a braver way, worthy of the
bravest soldier. I want you to fight Nazism without arms, or, if I
am to retain the military terminology, with non-violent arms. I
would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for
saving you or humanity. You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor
Mussolini to take what they want of the countries you call your
possessions. Let them take possession of your beautiful island, with
your many beautiful buildings. You will give all these but neither
your souls, nor your minds. If these gentlemen choose to occupy your
homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage
out, you will allow yourself man, woman and child, to be
slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them.
This is no appeal made by a man who does not know his
business. I have been practising with scientific precision
non-violence and its possibilities for an unbroken period of over
fifty years. I have applied it in every walk of life, domestic,
institutional, economic and political. I know of no single case in
which it has failed. Where it has seemed sometimes to have failed, I
have ascribed it to my imperfections. I claim no perfection for
myself. But I do claim to be a passionate seeker after Truth, which
is but another name for God. In the course of that search the
discovery of non-violence came to me. Its spread is my life mission.
I have no interest in living except for the prosecution of that
I claim to have been a lifelong and wholly
disinterested friend of the British people. At one time I used to be
also a lover of your empire. I thought that it was doing good to
India. When I saw that in the nature of things it could do no good,
I used, and am still using, the non-violent method to fight
imperialism. Whatever the ultimate fate of my country, my love for
you remains, and will remain, undiminished. My non-violence demands
universal love, and you are not a small part of it. It is that love
which has prompted my appeal to you.
May God give power to every word of mine. In His name
I began to write this, and in His name I close it. May your
statesmen have the wisdom and courage to respond to my appeal. I am
telling His Excellency the Viceroy that my services are at the
disposal of His Majesty's Government, should they consider them of
any practical use in advancing the object of my appeal.
New Delhi, 2-7-'40