YI, 13 Oct. 1921
YI, 27 Oct. 1921
YI, 26 Dec. 1924
I wholeheartedly detest this mad desire to
destroy distance and time, to increase animal appetites and go to the ends
of the earth in search of their satisfaction. If modern civilization stands
for all this, and I have understood it to do so, I call it Satanic.
YI, 17 March 1927
YI, 26 Jan. 1921
YI, 21 Jan. 1926
YI, 8 Sept. 1920
'Brahma created His people with the duty of
sacrifice laid upon them and said; "By this do you flourish. Let it be the
fulfiller of all you desires." 'He who eats without performing this
sacrifice, eats stolen bread,' thus says the Gita.
H, 29 June 1935
'Earn thy bread by the sweat of thy brow,'
says the Bible. Sacrifices may be of many kinds. One of them may well be
bread labour. If all laboured for their bread and no more, then there would
be enough food and enough leisure for all.
Then there would be no cry of over population,
no disease, and no such misery as we see around. Such labour will be the
highest form of sacrifice. Men will no doubt do many other things, either
through their bodies or through their minds, but all this will be labour of
love, for the common good. There will then be no rich and no poor, none high
and none low, no touchable and no untouchable.
Even if, without fulfilling the whole law of
sacrifice, that is, the law of our being, we perform physical labour enough
for our daily bread, we should go along way towards the ideal. If we did so,
our wants would be minimized, our food would be simple. We should then eat
to l live, not live to eat. Let anyone who doubts the accuracy of this
proposition try to sweat for his bread; he will derive the greatest relish
from the productions of his labour, improve his health and discover that
many things he took were superfluities.
H, 29 June 1935
I cannot picture to myself a time when no man
shall be richer than another. But I do picture to myself a time when the
rich will spurn to enrich themselves at the expense of the poor and the poor
will cease to envy the rich. Even in a most perfect world, we shall fail to
avoid inequalities, but we can and must avoid strife and bitterness.
YI, 7 Oct. 1926
The dream I want to realize is not the
spoliation of the property of private owners, but to restrict its enjoyment
so as to avoid all pauperism, consequent discontent and the hideously ugly
contrast that exists today between the lives and surroundings of the rich
and the poor.
YI, 21 Nov. 1929
H, 14 Sept. 1935
YI, 13 Nov. 1924
What I object to is the craze for machinery,
not machinery as such. The craze is for what they call labour-saving
machinery. Men go on 'saving labour', till thousands are without work and
thrown on the open streets to die of starvation.
But why not, it is asked, save the labour of
millions, and give them more leisure for intellectual pursuits? Leisure is
good and necessary up to a point only, God created man to eat his bread in
the sweat of his brow, and I dread the prospect of our being able to produce
all that we want, including our food stuffs, out of a conjuror's hat.
H, 16 May 1936
I want to save time and labour not for a
fraction of mankind, but for all. I want the concentration of wealth, not in
the hands of a few, but in the hands of all. Today machinery merely helps a
few to ride on the backs of millions. The impetus behind it all is not the
philanthropy to save labour, but greed. It is against this constitution of
things that I am fighting with all my might.
YI, 13 Nov. 1924
The movement of the spinning wheel is an
organized attempt to displace machinery from that state of exclusiveness and
exploitation and to place it in its proper state. Under my scheme therefore,
men in charge of machinery will think not of themselves or even of the
nation to which they belong but of the whole human race.
YI, 17 Sept. 1925
I claim for the Charkha the honour of being
able to solve the problem of economic distress in a most natural, simple,
inexpensive and businesslike manner. The Charkha, therefore, is not only not
useless but is a useful and indispensable article for every home. It is the
symbol of the nation's prosperity and, therefore, freedom. It is a symbol
not of commercial war of commercial peace.
YI, 8 Dec. 1921
It bears not a message of ill-will towards the
nations of the earth but of good-will and self-help. It will not need the
protection of a navy threatening a world's peace and exploiting its
resources, but it needs the religious determination of millions to spin
their yarn in their homes as today they cook their food in their own homes.
As I look at Russia where the apotheosis of
industrialization has been reached, the life there does not appeal to me. To
use the language of the Bible, 'what shall it avail a man if he gain the
whole world and lose his soul?' In modern terms, it is beneath human dignity
to lose one's individuality and become a mere cog in the machine. I want
every individual to become a full-blooded, full developed member of the
H, 28 Jan. 1939
What does communism mean in the last analysis?
It means a classless society an ideal that is worth striving for. Only I
part company with it when force is called to aid for achieving it. We are
all born equal, but we have all these centuries resisted the will of God.
The idea of inequality, of 'high and low', is an evil, but I do not believe
in the eradicating evil from the human breast at the point of the bayonet.
The human breast does not lend itself to that means.
H, 13 March 1937
Every man has an equal right to the
necessaries of life even as birds and beasts have. And since every right
carries with it a corresponding duty and the corresponding remedy for
resisting any attack upon it, it is merely a matter of finding out the
corresponding duties and remedies to vindicate the elementary fundamental
equality. The corresponding duty is to labour with my limbs and the
corresponding remedy is to non-co-operate with him who deprives me of the
fruit of my labour.
YI, 26 March 1931
The true source of rights is duty. If we all
discharge our duties, rights will not be far to seek. If leaving duties
unperformed we run after rights, they escape us like a will-o'-the-wisp. The
more we pursue them, the farther they fly. The same teaching has been
embodied by Krihna in the immortal words: ' action alone is thine: leave
thou the fruit severely alone,' Action is duty: fruit is the right.
YI, 8 Jan. 1925
Let labour realize its dignity and strength.
Capital has neither dignity not strength, compared to labour. These the man
in the street also has. In a well-ordered democratic society there is no
room, no occasion for lawlessness or strikes. In such a society there are
ample lawful means for vindicating justice. Violence, veiled or unveiled,
must be taboo.
DD, p. 381
Capital controlled labour because it knew the
art of combination. Drops in separation would only fade away; drops in
co-operation made the ocean which carried on its broad bosom ocean
greyhounds. Similarly if all labouers in any part of the world combined
together they could not be tempted by higher wages or could not be tempted
by higher wages or helplessly allow themselves to be attracted for, say, a
H, 7 Sept. 1947
A true and non-violent combination of labour
would act like a magnet attracting to it all the needed capital. Capitalists
would then exist only as trustees. When that happy day dawned, there would
be no difference between capital and labour. The labour will have ample
food, good and sanitary dwellings, all the necessary education for their
children, ample leisure for self-education and proper medical assistance.
H, 7 Sept. 1947
H, 9 March 1947
If India was to escape such a disaster, it had
to imitate what was best in America and other western countries and leave
aside its attractive looking but destructive economic policies. Therefore,
real planning consisted in the best utilization of the whole manpower of
India and the distribution of the raw products of India in her numerous
villages instead of sending them outside and re-buying finished articles at
H, 23 March 1947