Mahatma Gandhi in Mainland China: Early 1980s-Late 1990s

Dr Shang Quanyu*

Abstract

The early interest in Mahatma Gandhi in mainland China began in early 1920s when Gandhi launched the first all India non-violent non-cooperation movement in 1920-1922. Since then up to present day Chinese interest in Gandhi has undergone several stages. This paper focuses on the first two decades of the third stage from early 1980s to late 1990s, from both a synchronical and diachronical perspective to uncover its courses, contexts, themes and features.

Introduction

GANDHI STUDIES WORLDWIDE has been growing in both quantity and quality with the passage of time. The impressive body of works on Mahatma Gandhi produced so far include over 800 books, covering nearly all aspects of his life, deciphering every dimension of his mind, whether his religious views, his non violence, ‘Satyagraha’ strategy, his asceticism, or even his “fads” and foibles. The early interest in Gandhi in mainland China began in early 1920s. Since then, Gandhi studies in China has undergone almost a century-long course of development with several ups and downs. However, a systematic overview of the development and achievement of Gandhi studies in China is yet to be written. The wanting in such an overview is not only detrimental to the future development of Gandhi studies inside China but also leads to information gaps among foreign scholars in the same field about the works of their Chines colleagues. A comprehensive and systematic overview of the development of Gandhi studies in China is therefore necessary for both its further development inside China and its knowledge outside of China.

Shaped by both domestic and international politics, in the course of nearly a century the development of Gandhi studies in China has gone through three major stages: the first stage is from early 1920s to mid 1950s, the second from late 1950s to late 1970s, and the third from early 1980s till the present day. In turn, the three stages witness three waves of flourishment of Gandhi studies; while the first two waves both ended with a decline in interest and output, the third wave is gaining momentum and growing in strength. This paper will focus on the first two decades of the third stage from early 1980s to late 1990s, aiming to make an overview of Gandhi studies in Mainland China during these two decades from both a synchronical and diachronical perspective to uncover its courses, contexts, themes and features.

Stage three: the first sub-period from early 1980s to late 1980s

Starting from the early 1980s, Gandhi studies in China emerged from the low ebb in the preceding two decades and entered into its third wave of flourishment which continues up to date.

Diachronically speaking, the third stage witnesses an amazing growth of Gandhi studies in both quanlity and in quality. Incomplete estimates find that this on-going stage generates nearly 60 books (4 in the 1980s, 17 in the 1990s, and 37 since 2000), 160 academic articles (63 in the 1980s, 29 in the 1990s, and 66 since 2000), and over 140 non-academic articles (22 in the 1980s, 7 in the 1990s, and 114 since 2000).

The flourishment has much to do with the change in the overall socio-political context in China, and by extention, in the academic environment. The open-door policy and reform in the late 1970s put an end to the grand strategies featuring “political campaign in command” and “class struggle as the key line” and urshered in a new era. For academic research, this means a more liberal atomosphere, increase in exchanges with the outside world, continuous ideational updates, and boost of objective spirit and scientific approach. Around the same period of time, changes in the international politics were also favorable to such development. The end of the Cold War tuned down confrontation along ideological cleavages and encouraged pluralism and diversity in academic research.

Synchronically speaking, the development of Gandhi studies in China in this stage displays some notable differences from those of the preceding two stages.

Subjective and emotional debates were replaced by objective and rational academic discussion; both the number of participants and the scope of research interests increase exponentially; different from the ups and downs in the preceding stages, the growth of Gandhi studies in this stage shows no sign of decline. Overall, such a growth can be divided into three sub-periods, each with its own features. Here in this paper, I’ll focus on the first two sub-periods and leave the third to another separate paper, owing to the length of the paper.

The first sub-period, the 1980s marked the swift arrival of the third climax in Gandhi studies. Most academic findings were the fruit of work by Chinese experts in South Asian studies, providing invaluable paradigms and references for future researches. In the following paragraphs I will make an overview of related publications based on the topics in both academic and non-academic fields.

In the academic field, topics of interest cover the following eight aspects of Gandi studies.

First, studies and introduction of the life of Gandhi, which can be further divided into three types. (1) Publications in the form of book included three biographies and one edited volume.¹ The 15 papers in the edited volume included both conference proceedings and other previously published journal articles, touching upon various aspects of Gandhi studies.²

(2) Articles reviewing and evaluating Gandhi studies home and abroad, ranging from Gandhi studies in the US,³ the four-round debates on Gandhi in the USSR and the Comintern⁴, Gandhi studies in China⁵, to reviews of books on Gandhi studies.⁶

(3) Articles analyzing and exploring the life of Gandhi, be it Gandhi’s unique personality traits (his patriotism, asceticism, altruism, humidity and humbleness)⁷, the death of Gandhi (the cultural and political clashes in modern India as represented by the assassin and the assassinated)⁸, Gandhi’s hunger strikes⁹, Gandhi’s struggle in South Africa¹⁰, Gandhi’s constructive programmes¹¹, or introductions of the life of Gandhi.¹²

Second, evaluation of Gandhi. Overall, three opinions could be found. In the first opinion, in the entire process of the Indian national movement, Gandhi was the central figure inspiring and leading the Indian nation in their anti-British nationalist struggle. As one scholar saw it, “in terms of Gandhi’s contribution to the end of the British colonial rule in India and the promotion of the course of Indian national independence, such a positive evaluation of Gandhi is faithful to historical facts.”¹³ With his engagement in the national movement, Gandhi’s position and attitude toward the British Empire evolved from “a loyal pro-British supporter and collaborator to a steadfast dissident and non-collaborator.” Viewed in its entirety, Gandhi’s main contributions and activities were worth approving.¹⁴

In the second opinion, as a representative of the bourgeois, Gandhi displayed the dual character as both a revolutionary and a compromiser. While his contributions to the Indian nationalist movement were praiseworthy, there should be no denial of his negative influence on the same movement.¹⁵

In sharp contrast, the third opinion found that “Gandhi was the representative of the reactionary force.”¹⁶ “Despite his fame and his actual role of leadership in the national liberation movement, Gandhi had always remained in the right-wing camp of the nationalist movement.”¹⁷ Gandhi’s dual character in the movement “is known to all, but tributes to it, as some does now, would twist its historical authenticity into a myth.”¹⁸

Third, studies on Gandhi’s Non-violence (Ahimsa), mainly looking into four aspects. (1) Exploration of its sources. For some scholars, of the various sources of inspiration – whether religious doctrines from Hinduism, Buddhism, Janism, Christianity or philosophical idea of Tolstoy, the influence of Hindusim was the strongest, which explained the popularity of Satyagraha.¹⁹ This opionion, however, was contested by another group of scholars who found it unfaithful to the actual history in India.²⁰

(2) Analysis of the meanings of Non-violence. Scholars found it a concept of high complexity. It was more than a simple policy in the rejection of violence. Intricately linked to the other highly abstract concepts such as Truth, Love and God, Non-violence was a spiritual force. To pursue Truth and to stick to Non-violence were the same, and peace through non-violent means equaled peace through love.²¹ The three dimensions of meanings embodied in Gandhi’s Non-violence – a belief, a set of moral norms and political means – could not subject to arbitrary interpretation. At an individual level, Non-violence required everyone to be self-purified, civilized, and ready to endure self-suffering, and observe the laws in his/her country voluntarily.

(3) Analysis of Gandhi’s practice of Non-violence, i.e. the Satyagraha movement, or the non-violent resistance movement or non-cooperation movement. Based on systematic analyses on the succession of such movements, a number of scholars identified three features, namely, unprecedented popular mobilization, long-term continuation, and unique diversity. Through“hartel”, the Satyagraha movement expanding over the course of a quarter of a century was the primary form of struggle in Indian people’s quest for national liberation; its record was not that of a total failure, nor that of a conservative or compromise.²² The analyses of the “Quit India” movement led some scholars to announce the eventual death of Gandhi’s ideal of non-violence, while Gandhi’s call on Indians to Karo ya maro (“Do or die”) failed to force the British out of India, his principle of Ahimsa vanished from the mind of the Congressmen.²³ Other researches on Gandhi’s practice of Satyagraha included investigation on the early movement,²⁴ summary of the doctrince and the succession of movements, and the training camp (ashrams).²⁵

(4) Evaluation of Gandhi’s Non-violence. For most scholars, despite its limitations, the essence of Non-violence resistence movement led by Gandhi was progressive and revolutionary; its anti-imperialist and anti-colonial nature helped promote Indian national liberation movement. Some scholars strongly believed that Non-violence had exerted some progressive impact on Indian history, which deserved acknowledgement and credit.²⁶ But for some, as guiding principle and ideoglogy for nationalist movement, Non-violence was some what reactionary against the trend of history; when put into practice, the result was unsuccessful.²⁷

Fourth, studies of Gandhism, focusing mainly on the following four aspects. (1) On the emergence and origin of Gandhism, key arguments can be summed up as follows. A product of the interplay between ethnic conflict and class conflict in India, Gandhism was “tailor-invented” for the need of Indian national bourgeoisie; in resolving two historical tasks, i.e. Indian independence and creation of a new state, Gandhism was formed gradually; while subject to various kinds of influence, the orientation of Gandhism was greatly determined by the un-balanced economic development in India and Gandhi’s previous practices in South Africa and his position in India; the origin of Gandhism contained both traditional Indian elements and foreign elements.²⁸

(2) On the definition and nature of Gandhism, scholars provided various viewpoints as follows. Developed in the early-20th-century Inida, Gandhism was a system of ideas with Non-violence at its core, which rejected colonial rule and strove for India self-determination and independence; a complete system of ideas, Gandhism covered all aspects of social life, but the guidance it provided was in abstract terms; an ideology typical to the Indian national bourgeoisie, Gandhism was the ideological weapon employed by the big bourgeoisie in the nationalist movement; Gandhism was not only the ideology and theory behind Indian national liberation movement, it was also the guiding principle for the political life in the independent state of India.²⁹

(3) Analyzing the content and core of Gandhism, scholars identified the following elements. As for its content, it included the view of Truth in a religious sense, the view of Indian Swaraj, political strategy of nonviolence and noncooperation, economic ideas of promoting hand-weaving and spinning, social theory of trusteeship, life principle of being contented in poverty and devoted to spiritual things, strategic thinking along the line of national united front as found in the call for the elimination of the untouchables and the unity of the Hindu and Muslim communities, as well as his rare and commendable personality. As for its core, it included the pursuit of Truth and the adherence to Non-violence, whose most prominent feature lay in the fact it served as trinity of doctrine, guidline and strategic approach.³⁰

(4) On the role and status of Gandhism, scholars stressed three principles in evaluating Gandhism, namely, a good grasp of its essence, a differentiation between its essential aspects and aspects of secondary importance, and evaluation from a develeopmental point of view. In this essence, Gandhism strove for Indian independence, rejected the British colonial rule and thus exerted progressive impact on the anti-imperialist national liberation movement in India. The impact of Gandhism was not confined to India alone but was felt on a global scale, especially among some East Asian countries. It should be regarded as an important heritage in the civilization of the mankind. At the same time, we should be aware of the negative influence of Gandhism due to its strong idealistic Utopian vision.³¹

Fifth, the study of Gandhi’s thought, mainly looking into the following four aspcts. (1)The analysis of Gandhi’s system of ideas investigated its background and origin as well as its content and features. Gandhi’s sytem of ideas was formed between 1888 and 1914 when Gandhi pursued his studies in the UK and worked for overseas Indians in South Africa prior to the outbreak of WWI. Among its multiple sources of inspiration – both from India and from the West, traditional Indian ideas remained its hardcore. Such a combined source of inspiration led to both the uniqueness and the complexity of Gandhi’s system of ideas. This system could be further divided into four dimensions. At the philosophical dimension, it was a view of Truth in both political and religious sense with the concept of love as its core; at the political dimension, it advocated self-rule and decentralization of power down to the level of village and commune via non-violent means; at the economic dimension, the promotion of hand-weaving and spinning emphasized economic self-reliance; and at the social dimension, it called for a harmonious society with no discrimination against the untouchables and unity between the Hindu and Muslim communities. With the above four dimensions integrated into one single system, Gandhi’s system of ideas was highly complex. Such complexity manifested a close link between Gandhi’s political thinking and religious views and his concerns for both big bourgeoisie and small producers.³²

(2) The analysis of Gandhi’s political views mainly covered his early views in South Africa, his view of Indian self-rule, and his view of the body politic for an independent India. Already in South Africa Gandhi had developed an early paradigm of political thoughts. At the center of the paradigm was the rule of law inspired by the British bourgeoisie. The goal was to strive for equal legal status between Indians and British in the British Empire, his practice in South Africa being the endeavor to establish the first foothold. The tactics was incremental popular mobilization over a long period of time in the Fabian style, that is, to mobilize as many people as possible – Indians of various factions and British alike – to form one united national front.³³ At the core of Gandhi’s political thinking, the notion of Indian Swaraj (self-rule) contained two meanings. On one hand, self-rule meant national independence. Analyses found that 1919 marked a watershed in Gandhi’s strategy for the realization of national self-rule. Prior to 1919, self-rule for Gandhi meant the obtainment of the dominion status for India within the British Empire by means of cooperation with the British authority; after 1919, Gandhi switched his advocacy to fully-fledged independence for India via non-coorperation movement. On the other hand, self-rule involved the kind of body politic to adopt in an independent India. Here Gandhi’s vision of a country constituent of an agglomeration of autonomous and self-reliant small village communities came close to that of anarchy.³⁴

(3) The analysis of Gandhian economics mainly looked into its content, especially in rual economy, the moral views behind, and its influence. Scholars found that Gandhian economics was made up of eight pillars, namely, his views of the function of machine, rural economy, industry, economic system, trusteeship, common prosperity (Savodaya), economic equality and low consumption. Gandhian economics remained influential and popular in India and was put into practice, as evidenced by the Sixth Five Year Plan put forward by the ruling Janata Party.³⁵ The uniqueness of Gandhian economics was to be found in its rural economic pattern which featured self-sufficient rual communities, whether family or village commuity as the basic unit of production, a structure of production integrating agriculture and handicraft production, a balance between rual economy and large-scale municipal industry, and maintenance of harmony between the moral spirit and the material life. Among these, the most striking was his view as well as practice of the relationship between ethics and rual economy. Departing from a denouncement of western materialism, Gandhi constructed his theory of rurual economy based on the notions of economic justice and equality. In practice, Gandhi’s rural economic ideas took the main form of the “hand-weaving and spinning movement”. Gandhi’s ideas of rural economy and the ethics behind should be viewed as a main manifestation of the cultural response by the Indian society to the impact of the wave of modernization from the capitalist western world.³⁶

(4) A number of studies on Gandhi’s thought deciphered its content and features along ethical, philosophical, religious and social lines. Two principles – Truth and Non-violence – were found to be at the heart of his philosophy with the former being the end and the latter being the means. Gandhi’s social view consisted of such principles as “non-coorperation”, “change of heart”, “trusteeship”, and “common prosperity.”³⁷ The key contents of Gandhi’s religious view included a number of paired conceptions such as Hinduism-moral religion, God-Truth, non-violence-love, and asceticism-self-purification. The religious view of Gandhi showed the distinct features of a strong adherence to Hindu tradition but at the same time moralization, secularization and mystification of religion.³⁸ Key components in Gandhi’s moral and ethical views included a firm belief that Revelation originated from morality, the faith in the goodness of human nature which lay basis for his moral doctrine, advocacy of love as the basic code of conduct for human behavior, and ascetic practices as the basic means to realize love. The key moral norms advocated by Gandhi ranged from non-violence, asceticism, fearlessness, self-scrifice, perseverance, loyalty, bread-labor, gender equality, to fear of god. While carrying strong mystical color and obvious religious form, Gandhi’s moral ethics had many positive and progessive elements, a reflection of Gandhi’s desire for national independence and social equality.³⁹ Gandhi’s asceticism had a wide range of meanings. For individuals, it required one to exercise self-restraint over one’s desire, be contented in poverty, maintain a vegetarian diet, and be ready to endure suffereing and to make self-sacrifice. In a broader sense, asceticism for Gandhi was closely associated with such notions as the pursuit of Truth, Non-violence, respect of life, and universal love. Gandhi’s asceticism was, therefore, not only an embodiment of his belief, but also a set of principles to guide social practices and a powerful political weapon.⁴⁰

Sixth, on Gandhi’s class attribute, scholars were divided between two opposing views. Gandhi was identified either as the representative of the bourgeoisie or that of the peasantry and small producers. Of both views, there existed some nuanced differences.

Putting Gandhi in the bourgeoisie camp, one opinion held that “Gandhi mainly represented the interst of the national bourgeoisie in India; he was the ideal political leader in the nationalist movement.”⁴¹ Then a second opinion found that “Gandhi was the spokeman of the national bourgeoisie, or more precisely, the representative of the upper class.”⁴² And a third opinion took Gandhi to be the reprentatie of “the interest of the big bourgeoisie.” It should be noted that the author also made a comparsion of the composition of bourgeoisie in China and in India at the time. While the bourgeoisie in China could be sub-categorized into the national bourgeoisie and the comprador bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie in India was rather uniformed as a class, predominated by the big bourgeoisie.⁴³

For scholars who held the opposite opinion, Gandhi represented “neither the bourgeoisie nor the landlord class but the small peasantry in India.”⁴⁴ As Gandhi’s appeals “mainly reflected the interests, desires and wishes of the small peasantry in India,” ⁴⁵ he was “the spokeman for the small peasantry.”⁴⁶

Seventh, some analyses were devoted to the study of the relationship between Gandhi and the Indian National Congress (INC). Based on an investigation of the more than three decades long “coalition” between Gandhi and the INC, Wang Chun argued that “although Gandhi fulfilled the need of the Indian bourgeoisie and its political party, the INC, for an ideal and iconic figure, Gandhi and his Satyagraha remained for the latter mere political instruments. Under such circumstances, the “ruptures” between Gandhi and the INC time and again were simply inevitable.” Despite the fact that from the announcement of his withdrawl from the INC in 1934 to his assassination in 1948, Gandhi was not a registered member of the INC, “he remained the de facto leader of the INC and its consultant,” simply because the politicians in the INC still needed the influence of Gandhi and his non-violence technique. Once India became independent, the bourgeoisie “had in their hand the state power and no longer saw the necessicity of popular mobilization,” the “coalition” between Gandhi and the INC ended.⁴⁷

Similar conclusion was drawn from another study of the relations between Gandhi and the INC from 1939 to 1942 where Gandhi was twice removed from the position of the party leader and twice re-installed. For the INC, “it was all up to the party’s authorities to decide in accordance with their policy priority when to worship Gandhi as the spiritual leader and when to dump him aside as a used political instrument.”⁴⁸

Eighth, a number of scholars also analyzed from various angle the relationship between Gandhi and China. In an article entitled “Gandhi and China”, Yuan Chuanwei made a preliminary overview of such a relationship, looking into (1) Gandhi’s sympathy with the Chinese laborers in South Africa and his denoucement of the British opium trade in China, (2) Gandhi’s concern with social progress in China and his encouragement of China to learn from advanced western experiences, (3) Gandhi’s moral support to the anti-Janpanese war in China and his hope for brotherly coorperation between the two nations, (4) Gandhi’s appreciation of the long-term Sino-Indian friendship and his desire to visit China. Yuan pointed out that “we Chinese cherish the memory of his great contribution to Indian independence and above all the memory of his sympathy, encouragement and moral support to the Chinese nation when we were in the most difficult time.”⁴⁹

In one chapter entitled Gandhi’s Friendly Affection toward Chinese People in his book, Lin Chengjie made a similar overview, pointing out (1) Gandhi’s help to the Chinese people and his concern for progress in China, (2) his sympathy for the Chinese anti-imperialist patriotic struggle, (3) his opposition to the Japanese invasion of China, (4) his concern for the promotion of Sino-Indian cultural exchanges, (5) his unfulfilled dream to visit China. As Lin pointed out, “Chinese people held Gandhi in high esteem, not only for all he had done for Indian national independence but also for his contribution to Sino-Indian friendship.”⁵⁰

Huang Xinchuan also made another brief overview of the relationship between Gandhi and China and pointed out that “Gandhi was very friendly to Chinese people and remained concerned about the course of Chinese revolution. The Chinese people shall forever cherish the moral and material supports Gandhi had provided China in her time of most difficulty.”⁵¹ Based on personal experience, Wei Fengjiang also gave an account of the friendship between Gandhi and China.⁵²

In the non-academic field in this sub-period, there were mainly two kinds of publications. The first kind was film reviews of the Oscar-winning film Gandhi (1982) which stirred up the whole world and aroused strong reaction from China as well. More than dozen articles introduced, commented and reflected the film, including its shooting,⁵³ plot⁵⁴, actor⁵⁵, why it was so popular ⁵⁶, the translation of the film script⁵⁷, etc.

The second kind was Gandhi’s anecdotes and sidelights (random notes), including the stories about Gandhi’s promotion of Nehru⁵⁸, about Gandhi and Tao Xingzhi⁵⁹, the vegetable Gandhi liked eating⁶⁰, Gandhi on account books⁶¹, visit to Gandhi tome and residence⁶², how to learn from the news coverage of Gandhi’s assassination to write general news.⁶³

Stage Two: from the late 1950s to the late 1970s

Chronologically speaking, the period of the late 1950s to the late 1970s constituted the second stage of development of Gandhi studies in China. Toward the late 1950s, Gandhi studies in China began to revive. In less than five years, the revival generated an outpour of related publications. It was estimated that a total of twenty-one articles were published from 1956 to 1959. Of these articles, 10 were translated from abroad, with four published in 1956, four in 1957, and 2 in 1958. The remaining eleven articles were academic articles written by Chinese scholars, eight of which were published in 1957 and three published in 1958. Besides these articles, a new version of Chinese translation of Gandhi's autobiography came out in 1959. However, the revival was short-lived. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Gandhi studies again declined sharply. The two dedades saw only the publication of one translated book and three articles in the field.

Again, domestic and international political contexts exerted great impact on the up and down of Gandhi studies in the second stage. The short-lived revival of Gandhi studies in China was mainly caused by the political changes in the Soviet Union. The death of Stalin in 1953 ushered in the post-Stalin era in the Soviet Union. Stalin and his regime have been condemned on numerous occasions, the most significant being in 1956, when Stalin's successor Nikita Khrushchev denounced his legacy and initiated a process of de-Stalinization. In this process, the Soviet authorities rejected the negative evaluation of Gandhi under Stalin. As a result, Soviet and Chinese intellectuals showed renewed interest in Gandhi studies.Only such an interest was shelved with the arrival of a series of polticial campaigns in China in the next two decades, noteably the ten-year-long Cultural Revoltuion. Gandhi's advocacy of non-violence and cross-class coalition was simply out of tune with the political climate inside China. Actually the two-decade-long intensified political campaigns in China put all academic research activities on halt.

From a diachronical perspective, Gandhi studies in the second stage differ from those in the first stage in some significant ways. In terms of quality, the publications in this period are more academic in nature as compared to the large number of publications either in the form of commentaries or carring strong subjective color. In terms of quantity, the publications in the first stage far outnumber the second stage. While many scholars debated heatedly on Gandhi, his ideas and Indian independence movemen in the first stage, the scale of debate in the second stage was much limited, with only one translated book and less than a dozen articles written by Chinese scholars. Below is a more detailed account of the works generated in the shorted-lived revival period.

Firstly, the revival of Gandhi studies in the second stage started with the publications of ten translated articles. In terms of thems, these articles can be cateogorized into three groups, seven articles discussing the historical role of Gandhi in the Indian national liberation movement, one commemorating the tenth anniversary of Gandhi's death, and two analyzing the correspondences between Gandhi and Tolstoy. In the article commemorating the tenth anniversary of Gandhi's death, the author analyzed Gandhi's notion of "united front", that is, the formation of an anti-imperalist united front by the entire Indian nation inclusive of all Indians, regardless of class, caste and religious differences. As the author saw it, although such a notion helped explain Gandhi's success in rallying the nationalist movement, it also forecast the limitation of the movement and the eventual tragedy of Gandhi's assassination.In the two articles analyzing the correspondence between Gandhi and Tolstoy, the authors focused on exposing the influence of the latter upon the former.The seven articles discussing the historical role of Gandhi in the Indian nationalist movement were all written by Soviet historians, representing the positive evaluation of Gandhi in the post-Stalin era. For instance, Zhukov called for accurate and objective assessment of the historical role of Gandhi. For Zhukov, "a fearless warrior, Gandhi devoted his whole life to an independent, prosperous and happy India; he is the true leader of the Indian national liberation movement" and the national movement championed by him was "an anti-imperialist people's movement."In a contextualized analysis of the role of Gandhi and the National Congress Party in the Indian nationalist movement, Dyakov labeled Gandhi as "a patriot who remained conditionlessly loyal to the cause of national liberation." That Gandhi's action was determined by his capitalist outlook should not in itself be condemned as "treachery". Gandhi had played an "essentially positive role" in the Indian nationalist movement and his non-violent policy succeeded in awakening the Indian people.Other articals also gave similar positive evaluation of Gandhi.

Secondly, the publication of eleven articles by Chinese scholars marked the second wave of Gandhi studies. These articles can be divided into two types, introduction of the re-evaluation of Gandhi by Soviet acamdemic circle and a series of debate over various issues in Gandhi studies. The first type of articles included two newspaper publications which briefly introduced the new changes in the evaluation of Gandhi in the Soviet Union. The rejection of Gandhi in the previous period was criticized and reevaluation of Gandhi was urged.The series of debate over Gandhi between Wang Chunliang and Wang Cunhua in nine articles touched upon three different issues. The two authors disagreed on the historical role of Gandhi and the definition of the social context where he lived and operated. For Wang Chunliang, around the time Gandhism was developed, i.e. the seond half of the 19th century and the early 20th century, the emergence of new social elements in India marked its transformation from a feudal society to a modern one. In this process, Gandhi and the National Congress Party played the decisive role in the awakening of the general public, especially the peasantry. For Wang Cunhua, despite important changes India experienced in the late 19th and the early 20th century, such changes failed to bring about new economic and social institutions conducive to fundamental social transformation; to the extent that Gandhi and the National Congress Party played an important role in the process of awakening general public, especially the peasantry, the significance of such a role should not be exaggerated.In another two articles published later, Wang Chunliang further elaborated his critical evaluation of Gandhi's historical role, challenging a number of viewpoints made by two Indian experts in the Soviet Union. In Wang Chunliang's opinion, among the nationalist-minded capitalists, there was indeed a group of appeasers; although Gandhi was never part of this faction, the Harijan movement under his leadership had to some extent hindered the Indian nationalist movement because when national independence was in peril, it should precede the mission of class emancipation. After a systematic analysis of Gandhi's ideas and activities, Wang Chunliang came to the conclusion that Gandhi had exerted greater influence on Indian politics in the 1920s than in the 1930s and that Gandhi's role of a patriot and the leader of nationalist movement was far greater than that of a philosopher and social reformer.

Gandhian economics centred around hand-spining and weaving was the second topic of interest in the debate. Both Wang Cunhua and Wang Chunliang concurred that as a key manifestation of Gandhi's economic ideas, hand-spining and weaving was backward or even reactionary at a theoretical level, but in practice it had exerted active and progressive influence in stimulating the Indian people's patrioticism and advancing the independence movement. The two scholars, however, adopted different approaches in their analyses. In his analysis, Wang Cunhua traced the "historical origin" of the hand-spining and weaving to find out how Gandhi developed this economic idea and the influence it had. For Wang Chunliang, to explain this specific idea of Ganhi, one should first pay attention to the historical context at the time and the class origin of Gandhi. While both scholars found Gandhi's economic ideas to be negative, their criticism showed degree of difference. For Wang Cunhua, "in a certain sense, Gandhi's hand-spining and weaving movement goes against the requirement of social development in India; it is therefore severely backward in nature."For Wang Chunliang, "viewed against the law of social development, the hand-spining and weaving movement is both reactionary and utopian, far worse than simply being backward."The two scholars also differed on the positive effect of the hand-spining and weaving movement. For Wang Cunhua, the movement had some significant effect in achieving unification between the Hindu and the Muslim communities; for Wang Chunliang, such significant effect was not generated by the movement per se, rather it was derived from the anti-imperalist nature of the movement. For Wang Chunliang, due to the close attention to the problems of the peasant, Gandhi's economic ideas played a significant role in rallying the rural population to the course of anti-imperialist struggle. However, in Wang Cunhua's opinion, "the success of Gandhi in rallying the general public behind him cannot be explained as the result of Gandhi's economics. Any exaggeration of the effect of Gandhian economics would result in inaccurate evaluation of Gandhi."In another article published later, Wang Chunliang made a comprehensive analysis of the hand-spining and weaving centred Gandhian economics, expounding in details the social background against which Gandhi developed his economic ideas, the practical significance and influence of such ideas in colonial India. Wang Chunliang conclcuded that the class interest reflected in Gandhian economics was not that of the big landlords and big bourgeoise but that of the peasantry.

The third topic in the debate involves Gandhi's non-violent resistance. In Wang Chunliang's opinion, Satyagraha was the foundation of Gandhism; its great popularity in the Indian national liberation movement as the guiding idealogy could be explained on the one hand by the specific historical context both inside and outside of India, and on the other hand by its multiple-sourced philosophical origin which combined traditional Indian thinking, Hindu doctrines, early Christian thinking as well as contemporary pacifism represented by Tolstoy.As Wang Chunliang saw it, it was utopian and reactionary not to mention essentially wrong to adopt Satyagraha as the guiding principle and ideology in the struggle of national liberation as it tended to lead the people to deviate from the revolutionary course in the pursuit of a reformist path. Although under the specific historical circumstances in India the anti-imperalist Satyagraha movement had achieved some positive progress, it still had its limitations and negative effects.

Thirdly, book publication.1959 saw the publication of the first full version of Autobiography of Gandhi in Chinese translateded by Du Wei and Wu Yaozhong, published by Commercial Press, the oldest in Mainland China. Earlier translations of Gandhi's autobiolograhy were all abridged versions.The only one of its kind until 2002 this book was used as a key source of reference for Gandhi studies.

As Gandhi studies entered into the trough period, the meager output included only one translated book and three articles. The translated book Mahatma Gandhi and Gandhism was a collection of essays written by the leader of Indian Communist Party E.M.S. Namboodiripad.The three articles were "Gandhi's Philosophy of Life", "The Change of Soviet Indologists' Evaluation on Gandhi" and "Discussion on Tolstoy and Gandhi by Indian Writer Abbas".The translated book Mahatma Gandhi and Gandhism and article "Gandhi's Philosophy of Life" were published in the early 1960s, indicating the decline of Gandhi studies from its short revival in the 1950s; published in the late 1970s, the remaining two articles heralded the third climax of Gandhi studies which was to commence in the early 1980s.

Conclusion

To sum up, the first two stages witnessed the ups and downs of Gandhi studies in China shaped by both national and international contexts. In spite of that, the first two stages did lay the foundation and displayed promising trend for the boosting of Gandhi studies in the coming stage.

First, the course of Gandhi studies underwent one from superficial to deep, from emotional and subjective to more rational and objective. In the first stage, Gandi studies was marked by then political imprint, either falling into the category of news reports and commentaries or carrying strong subjective flavor. The second stage witnessed a gradual moving toward more rational and academic track. But a series of polticial campaigns in China in the following decades put this move on halt suddenly. However, this move would resume strongly once the political situation changed. Actually, in the coming stage in post-Mao era, Gandhi studies emerged from the low ebb, urshered in new wave of flourishment, and entered into the track of objective and rational academic research.

Second, the cope of participants of Gandhi studies enlarged. In the first stage, the participants were basically intellectuals and nationalists and revolutionaries. In the second stage, the participants were mainly experts and scholars and intellectuals, especially those in universities and research institutions. In the coming stage in post-Mao era, the scope of participants would be unprecedentedly enlarging, showing a trend of popularization, extending to graduates, undergraduates, middle school teachers, freelances, NOGs etc.

Third, the field of research interests has been deepeneing. In the frist stage, the research interests mainly covered Gandhi's life, Gandhism and Satyagraha movements, etc. In the second stage, though the field of research was not extended, yet the debate over certain topics was more deepened. In the coming stage in post-Mao era, the field of research interests would be unprecedentedly expanding and deepening.

Notes and References:

D.Lapierre & L.Collings, Lette nuit la liberte, translated by Zhou Wanxiu and Wu Baozhang (Beijing: Xinhua Press, 1986); J. Briley, Gandhi, translated by Li Wang (Beijing: China Film Press, 1988); Ren Minggao, Mahatma Gandhi (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1987); Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987).

Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987).

Li Dongchun, “American Scholars’ Researches on Gandhi”, Journal of Jilin University, No.2 (1986), pp.93-96.

Chen Fengjun, “Four-Round Debates on Evaluation of Gandhi”, Trends of Recent Researches on the History of World, No.10 (1984), pp.34-38.

Yang Yusheng, “Research Summary on Gandhi Studies in Recent Ten Years”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1989), pp.83-86.; Huang Sijun, “New Perspectives of Gandhi Studies –Indian History Symposium Sidelights”, Trends of Recent Researches on the History of World, No.5 (1985), pp.43-45.; Peng Shuzhi (ed.), “Studies of Gandhi”, Shaanxi History Studies Yearbook (Jan.1989); Yang Yusheng, “Index to Gandhi Studies since the Founding of People’s Republic of China”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1989), pp.70-72.

Liang Shuming, “To Read Several Books about the Achievement of Mahatma Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.2 (1988), pp.59-64.; Yuan Chuanwei, “A Brief Introduction of the Latest Booklist about Gandhi Research”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1988), pp.83-87.

Peilun, Dongbenjian, “On the Unique Personality of Gandhi”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1986), pp.71-77.

Jin Kemu, “On the Death of Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.4 (1983), pp.34-41.

Ren Minggao, “Gandhi’s Hunger Strikes”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.9 (1986), pp23-25.

Yan Fu, “The Early Experience of Indians in South Africa and Their Struggle under Gandhi’s Leadership”, Asian and African Issues Studies, No.2 (1980), pp.63-66.

Hu Shaohua, “On Gandhi’s Constructive Programs”, Journal of Historical Science, No.2 (1984), pp.110-111.

He Zhangrong, “Gandhi”, History Teaching, No.11 (1983), pp.51-52; Xu Ruimin, “Mahatma Gandhi of India”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1984), pp.24-26; Geng Yan, “The Nation Father of India, Mahatma Gandhi”, World Knowledge, No.1 (1983), p.16.

Li Dasan, “Gandhi –A Historical Figure Who Deserve a Positive Evaluation”, Journal of Hebei University, No.1 (1981), pp.66-72.

Wu Chengping, “Further Opinions about Evaluation of Gandhi”, Journal of Shanghai Normal University, No.4 (1981), pp.72-80; Wu Chengping, “Further Comments on Evaluation of Gandhi”, Collected Papers of Modern History of World, No.8 (1982), pp.40-48.

Gao Kun, “Gandhi and Indian National Independence Movement”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.1-13.

Tang Yizhuang, “On Gandhi”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.80-82.

Tang Yizhuang, “Discussion on Gandhi’s Political Role in the 1920s-1930s”, Journal of Historical Science, No.6 (1983), pp.71-75.

Tang Yizhuang, “Discussion of the Issue Concerning the Evaluation of Gandhi and Indian National Congress”, Journal of Soochow University, No.2 (1987), pp.137-142.

Tang Yizhuang, “An Analysis of the Ideological Sources of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Ningxia University, No.3 (1982), pp.42-47. Cai Yuantu, “On Gandhi’s Idea of Nonviolence”, Journal of Fuqing Branch of Fuzhou Normal University, No.3 (1986), pp.65-71.

Wang Chun, “‘Nonviolence’ Dwells in the Doctrines of Hinduism?”, World History, No. 9 (1986), pp.61-62.

Zhu Pingping, “On the Meaning of the Concept of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, History Teaching and Research, No.5 (1988), pp.33-35.

Peng Shuzhi, “On Gandhi’s Satyagraha Movement”, History Teaching, No.1 (1986), pp.32-38.

Lin Chengjie, “Quit India Movement and Disillusion of Gandhi’s Ideal of Nonviolence”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1987), pp.1-11.

Yuan Weichuan, “Champaran Indigo Peasants’ No-Rent Struggle in 1917 – Comments on Gandhi’s Satyagraha Movement in Bihar”, Collected Papers of World History, No. 2 (1983), pp.23-33; Yuan Chuanwei, “Gandhi and Indigo Peasants’ Movement in Bihar (1917—1918)”, South Asian Studies, No.6 (1987), pp.40-46.

Huang Sijun, “Gandhi and Satyagraha Movement”, Foreign History Knowledge, No.2 (1983), pp.43-45; Sun Lanying, “On Gandhi’s ‘Satyagraha’”, Journal of Luoyang Teachers College, No.1 (1985), pp.55-59; Ren Minggao, “The Base where Gandhi Trained Satyagrahis”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.137-146.

Zhang Yiping, “Basically Positive Evaluation Should Be Given to the Doctrine of Nonviolence”, World History, No. 3 (1981), pp.78-79; Zhang Yiping, “Reevaluation on Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Henan Normal University, No.2 (1985), pp.79-83; Zhang Peixia, “On the Dispute of Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, Journal of Liaocheng Teachers College, No.3 (1988), pp.57-61.

Tang Yizhuang, “On Gandhi’s Nonviolence”, South Asian Studies, No.3 (1987), pp.33-71.

Lin Chengjie, “The Formation of Gandhism and the Establishment of Gandhi’s Leadership”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1985), pp.14-28; Dong Benjian, “On the Origin of Gandhism and Its Historical Significance”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.68-80.

Feng Jun, “A Review of Gandhism—in Honor of the 120th Birthday Anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi”, International Politics Quarterly, No.3 (1989), pp.49-58.

Wu Chengping, “Of Gandhi and Gandhism”, Journal of Shanghai Normal University, No.1 (1980), pp.120-127; Chen Guangchong, “Gandhism Reflected in Gandhi, An Autobiography”, Journal of Institute of Southwestern Nationalities, No.4 (1985), pp.93-104.

Wang Chunliang, “On Two Questions Concerning Gandhism”, Historical Teaching, No.9 (1982), pp.41-44; Ning Ming, “Evaluation of Gandhism”, in Ren Minggao & Ning Ming, On Gandhi: the Proceedings of Gandhi Academic Seminar of Chinese Association for South Asian Studies (Shanghai: Shanghai Academy of Social Science Press, 1987), pp.163-175.

Peng Shuzhi, “The Wholeness and Uniqueness of Gandhi’s Thought”, Historical Research, No.6 (1985), pp.154-170.

Jin Kemu, “On Gandhi’s Initial Political Thought in South Africa”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1983), pp.42-53.

Peng Shuzhi, “Gandhi’s Thought of Indian Self-Rule and His Outlook on State”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1989), pp.60-67.

Yang Rende, “Indian Famous Figures in Modern History of Economic Thoughts and Gandhi’s Economic Ideas”, South Asia Studies Quarterly, No.3 (1986), pp.52-59.

Peng Shuzhi, “Gandhi’s Conception of Rural Economy and His Ethics”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1989), pp.1-14.

Huang Xinchuan, “A Review of Gandhi’s Philosophical and Social Thoughts”, South Asia Studies, No.1 (1985), pp.1-13.

Wang Huiyun, “The Main Content and Characteristics of Gandhi’s Religious Thought”, World History, No.9 (1986), pp.18-24.

Zhu Mingzhong, “On Gandhi’s Ethics and Moral Thought”, South Asia Studies, No.3 (1988), pp.49-57.

Zhang Li, “On Asceticism in Gandhi’s Thought”, South Asian Studies Quarterly, No. 4 (1988), pp.42-53.

Lin Beidian, “Analysis on Several Different Opinions”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.75-77.

Wang Zao, “Discussion on Gandhi”, Collected Papers of History Studies, No.1 (1981), pp.78-81.

Huang Sijun, “On Class Attribute of Gandhi and Nature of Indian Bourgeoisie”, World History, No.12 (1986), pp.9-21.

He Shengda, “Gandhi is the Great Representative of Indian Peasants”, History of the World, No.3 (1981), pp.77-78; He Shengda, “On the Class Attribute of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi”, South Asian Studies, No.1 (1986), pp.30-38.

Wang Cunhua, “Gandhi - Not A Political Representative of Indian National Bourgeoisie --- Discussion On Class Attribute of Gandhi”, Journal of Historical Science, No.5 (1987), pp.71-76.

Tang Wenquan, "Repercussion of Gandhi's Two Satyagraha Movements in China", South Asian Studies, No.4 (1988), pp.34-39.

Chen Fengjun, "Four-Round Debates on Evaluation of Gandhi", Trends of Recent Researches on the History of World, No.10 (1984), pp. 15-20.

Romain Rolland, Mahatma Gandhi, translated by Xie Songgao and Mi Xingru (Shanghai: National Books and Newspapers Department of The Methodist Episcopal Church, 1925). Fan Zhongyun, Mahatma Gandhi (Shanghai: Liang Xi Library, 1926).

Gao Shan, Gandhism (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1924).

Hua Lu, "Indian National Independence Movement and British Political Strategy", Oriental Magazine, 19, 10 (1922), pp. 18-22.

Yu Song, "Indian National Movement and Gandhi", Oriental Magazine, 21, 6 (1924), pp. 3-9.

Yu Zhi, "Mahatma Gandhi", Guidance, 10, 19 (1923), pp. 6-10.

Selected Works of Sun Yat-sen (Beijing: People's Press, 1981), pp.677-678.

Tang Wenquan, "Repercussion of Gandhi's Two Satyagraha Movements in China", South Asian Studies, No.4 (1988), pp.34-39.

Gandhi, Autobiography: The story of my experiments with truth, translated by Ming Yaowu (Shanghai: Da Dong Book Company, 1932). Gandhi, Autobiography: The story of my experiments with truth, translated by Xiang Da (Shanghai: Zhong Hua Book Company, 1934). Gandhi, Autobiography: The story of my experiments with truth, translated by Wu Yaozong (Shanghai: Youth Association Book Company, 1935). Gandhi, Autobiography: The story of my experiments with truth, compiled by Nan Liuru (Nanjing: Zheng Zhong Book Company, 1936).

Romain Rolland, Mahatma Gandhi, translated by Chen Zuoliang (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1930). Romain Rolland, Mahatma Gandhi, translated by Xie Jize (Shanghai: Qing Yun Book Company, 1930). Romain Rolland, Mahatma Gandhi, translated by Mi Xingru and Xie Songgao (Shanghai: Long Wen Bookstore, 1935).

Xu Maoyong, Gandhi (Shanghai: New Life Book Company, 1933). Chu Erxue, Gandhi (Shanghai: Popular Holdings, 1933). Chen Qingchen, Mahatma Gandhi (Shanghai: Shenzhou Guangguang Society, 1934). Tan Yunshan, Mahatma Gandhi (Shanghai: Zheng Zhong Book Company, 1936).

Li Yuanjing, Ganhi's Doctrine of Ahimsa (Shanghai: Buddhism Book Company, 1932). Gandhi, Indian Home Rule, translated by Tan Yunshan (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935). Gandhi, Religion of Ethics, translated by Wang Kunlun, etc. (Shanghai: Jing Wei Book Company, 1937).

R. Fulop-Miller, Lenin & Gandhi, translated by Wu Guangjian (Shanghai: Hua Tong Book Company, 1930). Qian Shifu, Sun Yat-sen's Doctrine, Leninism and Gandhiism (Nanning: Mintuan Weekly Press, 1939).

Wang Senran, Indian Revolution and Gandhi (Peiping: Culture Society, 1930).

Some of the characteristics identified include (1) the large scale social support enjoyed by the movement, ranging from sympathy of the intelligentsia and the proletariat with the movement to the support of the business community through sponsorship; (2) in the process of anti-British struggle, the common goal shared by all political parties despite their tactic differences; (3) the emergence of women as a new force in the movement as a result of the mass mobilization.

Lin Chengjie, "Repercussion in China of the Civil Disobedience Movement led by Gandhi from 1930 to 1933", South Asian Studies, No.4 (1993), pp.15-22.

Yu Zhi, "On Indian Revolution", Oriental Magazine, 28, 3 (1931), pp. 2-10.

Zhi Mo, On Gandhi (Chongqing: Aesthetic Press, 1943).

Zeng Shengti, Days with Mr.Gandhi (Shanghai: Zhen Shan Mei Book Publishing House, 1948).

Lin Chengjie, History of Sino-Indian Friendship: 1851-1949 (Beijing: Beijing Univesity Press, 1993), pp. 325-326.

In Mourning for Gandhi, Oriental Magazine, 44, 5 (1948).

Cai Shangsi, "I Don't Warship Gandhi", Wen and Shi, 2,18 (1948), pp. 12-15.

Ruan Li, "Liao Xiahuai and His Gandhi Meets Xishi", Yearbook of Guangdong Theatre, No. 6 (January 1981), pp. 120-130.

Huang Sijun, "The Change of Soviet Indologists' Evaluation on Gandhi", Trends of Recent Researches on the World History, No.9 (1979), pp.9-14.

E.M.S.Namboodiripad, "Mahatma Gandhi", translated by Feng Cheng, Journal of Historical Science, No.51(958), pp. 30-38.

Silverman, "A Friend of India --- Leo Tolstoy --- Correspondence Between Leo Tolstoy and Gandhi", translated by Lao Jiu, Collected Translations of International Issues，No.8 (1957), pp. 34-40.

E Zhukov, "On Historical Role of Mahatma Gandhi", translated by Yu Shen, History Teaching, No.10 (1956), pp.20-26.

A M Dyakov etc., "The Role of Gandhi in Indian Liberation Movement", translated by Wang Qimin, Zhao Keyi, Peng Shuzhi, Journal of Historical Science, No.7 (1957), pp. 39-47.

Alexander Hubel, "On the Role of Gandhi in History", translated by Bing Zhang, Collected Translations of International Issues，No.7 (1956), pp. 5-13.

"Truth newspaper criticizes orientalists and calls for reevaluating Gandhi and Kemal", Jie Fang Daily, June 16, 1957. "Soviet orientalists make new evaluation on Gandhi", Collected Translations on Learning, No.6 (1957), pp.16-20.

Wang Chunliang, "Several Issues Concerning the Evaluation of Gandhi's Historical Role – A Commentary on Mr.Wang Cunhua's Opinions about Gandhi's Historical Role", Journal of Shandong Normal University, No.1 (1957), pp.133-140.

Wang Chunliang, "My Opinion about the Essay 'Gandhi's Role in the Struggle for Indian National Liberation'", Journal of Literature, History and Philosphy, No.12 (1957), pp.58-61.

Wang Chunliang, "On the Historical Role of Gandhi", Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy, No.4 (1958), pp.51-61.

Wang Cunhua, "On Gandhi's "Hand-Spinning" Movement", Journal of Historical Science, No.2 (1957), pp.23-27.

Wang Chunliang, "On Gandhi's Economic Thought —My Opinion of the Essay "On Gandhi's Hand-Spinning Movement", Journal of Historical Science, No.6 (1957), pp.33-37.

Wang Cunhua, "My Viewpoints upon 'On Gandhi's Economic Thought'", Journal of Historical Science, No.6 (1957), pp.37-38.

Wang Chunliang, "Gandhi's Hand-Spinning Movement", History Teaching and Research, No.3 (1958), pp.33-39.

Wang Chunliang, "On 'Satyagraha' Advocated by Gandhi", Journal of Shandong Normal University, No.1 (1957), pp.107-132.

Wang Chunliang, "On 'Nonviolent Resistance' Advocated by Gandhi", Journal of Historical Science, No.1 (1958), pp.29-33.

Gandhi, Autobiography: The story of my experiments with truth, translated by Du Wei and Wu Yaozong (Beijing: Commercial Press, 1959).

E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Mahatma Gandhi and Gandhism, translated by He Xin (Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 1961).

Fang Lin, "Gandhi's Philosophy of Life", Foreign Academic Information, No.7 (1963), pp.102-108. Huang Sijun, "The Change of Soviet Indologists' Evaluation on Gandhi", Trends of Recent Researches on the World History, No.9 (1979), pp.9-14. Lin Fan, "Discussion on Tolstoy and Gandhi by Indian Writer Abbas", World Literature Recent Developments, No.4 (1979), pp. 30-36.

NOTE: I'm so grateful to my colleague Associate Professor Song Xiaokun for her great contribution to the English version of the paper.

SHANG QUANYU is history professor at South China Normal University's School of Foreign Studies, Guangzhou, PRC, a Gandian scholar. Email: shangquanyu@hotmail.com.